To make sense of today's post you'll need to have read
this StarTribune article about Eden Prairie's hot-button issue--pitting the morally advanced opposite the repulsively smug--to name the two camps using the in-house nomenclature of what is merely one randomly-selected ideological party within the dispute.
I trudge first to the wrong building, then find the room, above, within the suburb's pre-boom high school--a weirdly
warm public space, for Eden Prairie, in what appears to have been a performance hall
and sports arena from the 1930s. It's
not packed,
contra Strib, but there are a lot of people. I arrive late and leave early--catching only a snapshot of the drama, and considerably prior to the resulting decision [to adopt the proposal].
Standing in the back of the old court, I view the EP Board up front, far away--where I can only identify progressive board member
Carol Bomben and superintendent
Melissa Krull.
The issue tonight is whether to redraw boundaries so as to desegregate Eden Prairie Schools.
The morally pure see such change as a fundamental civic obligation--to direct their adult public energy in favor of cost-imposing government policies designed to steer and push social change to reduce the marginalization associated with race, in America.
In public they tone it down--often reworking the narrative, arguing 'overall student achievement will improve' with integration at what will prove to be modest cost. (It's not 'a moral imperative', it's a commonsense, practical matter--somewhat disguising, in my analysis, the strength of feeling on the left side.)
The resenters respond, sometimes exhibiting a cringe-inducing 'richly-earned right to play victim on the public stage'--their grandparental chastisement can at intervals grow tiresome. And some play 'right intellectual'--asserting familiarity with recent social-scientific literature, claiming it unambiguously, uniformly militates against busing's claimed social benefits.
The morally pure willingly enter the social science debate--not always without erudition--arguing '
No, recent social-scientific research actually
does provide justification for desegregating public schools using busing.'
Here is one imagined liberal response, modeling a reasonable-left reply to the right's
social science critique:
Non-ideological public discussion of 'the unambiguous public policy implications of the latest, peer-reviewed, unbiased scholarly social scientific research'--should any be demonstrated to exist pertaining to the policy here under review--is entirely welcome. But it is a discussion which should be put off for another day: While I contest the resenters' claims to fluency in the latest social-sciences scholarly literature, I should state clearly:
I advocate desegregating the schools
whether or not Eden Prairie's test-score averages budge, as a result of desegregation--as I consider desegregation
a moral imperative for our community, to prevent
race from correlating with the fundamental character of our schools' educational environment.
Such people sincerely maintain 'society benefits on multiple levels--even the
psychological'--when we embrace the goal of consciously intervening--using
government--to undo the brutal historical unfairness from which white Americans to this day continue to benefit.
The resenters have the kernel of a point when they say it is a money-wasting naive-liberal pipe dream to suggest
government policy can intervene into the social lives of individuals and families to the extent minimally needed to change the massive present-day race-correlated disparities in income and [euphemism alert]
educational attainment and the host of other indices that define
marginalization.
Amid this backdrop, yesterday's 20-minute snapshot in the old gymnasium allowed me to take in the psychodynamics at play among board, superintendent, security guards, the dozen-or-so suited-and-hajibed Somali parents, media horde and earnest Eden Prairie yuppies, some hot.
A self-consciously
aware center-right portion of the public 'reads Melissa Krull like a book', believing Krull--in heart of hearts, uncritically accepts
Myron Orfield's demagogy. On what is--they like to remind themselves--
their dime, Krull is rapidly ascending the professional ladder, pushing a stern liberal educational politics somehow
opposite that of
Michelle Rhee, yet salable nonetheless to the 'reasonable' bulk of the semi-attentive white middle class.
In other words, their children and their taxes fuel a public career built on helping smug upper middle class liberals stigmatize and disempower people such as themselves.
While at the meeting,
Sheila Kihne comes over, extends a hand and we engage in brief, elevated conversation. (She willingly submits to the pleasant portrait displayed above.) Kihne is the strongest non-elected voice on the Right in Eden Prairie and
her blog is a vehicle for promoting what she perceives as a credibly Reaganite view on contemporary local and national politics.
Today's
boundaries debate is a manifestation of the social-psychological gulf between white Eden Prairians and the 500-family presence of Somali-Americans. Somalis are largely looked down upon by white Eden Prairians of all ages. Within the rarely-voiced white Eden Prairian's psychopolitics lurks some condemnation of 'the failure of Somalis to adapt' toward a more self-improving, less hajibed set of
American values. The ill feeling some whites harbor toward Somalis is insufficiently acknowledged--and
does constitute a hidden pillar within the resenters' edifice of public support.
That said, I nonetheless divine
at least one conceivable 'rational, public-spirited' explanation for how one might wholesomely arrive at the anti-desegregation position. (I view the 'I'd support the gerrymandering--I just don't think
this is the best possible plan' position to be nothing but a cheap political dodge.) I can also legibly read--to my satisfaction, at least--a certain chauvinism and unbrotherliness in the attitude of the resenters.
Sheila Kihne is the best-known public voice of the resenters. And--to put it gently but fairly--she occasionally veers onto the wrong side of the dichotomy delineated in the previous paragraph, imho. At the same time, much of what she publishes
does fall within the zone of reasonableness.
Her piece the other day certainly clarifies aspects of her political and cultural perspective--and merits a reading.
Sheila quite understandably takes note of this snippet from
a recent Star Tribune news article:
Myron Orfield, a University of Minnesota law professor, has advocated for integration efforts at many Twin Cities schools. He has spoken in favor of Eden Prairie's plan and was booed by some parents at meetings.
"This is a big decision for the school board and for the region -- whether we're going to have racially integrated school districts," Orfield said. ''The implications [if the proposed plan fails] will be that there are a group of white racist parents who can stop integration in schools."
If you are willing to allow for the existence of
satisfactorily non-racist white Eden Prairie parents who do not view
intra-Eden Prairie racial desegregation as a morally urgent public priority, then you should also be willing to admit just how
insulting Orfield's rhetoric must sound to such people. (If you believe
every last one of the resenters is nothing but
Orval Faubus-in-business-casual, then you don't need to participate in this exercise; I have a separate list of questions in the hopper should any such person come forward.)
While observing the school board meeting's bland BS-politeness and limp managerial verbal filler, two things get said which momentarily dispel my premature yen to dismiss this public dialogue as being
primarily non-linguistic:
The white resenters--who make up the overwhelming bulk of the audience--largely muffle their scoffing and grunts to a reasonably semi-audible level. Yet Carol Bomben can't resist chastising the audience for their [minuscule, in my view]
'breach of civility'--[the 'self-appointed Civility Commissar' being a particularly disliked social type, to your humble servant]. Bomben's rhetorical error, however--in my scoring--is eclipsed by Superintendent Krull's jarringly indelicate psychopolitical uppercut:
A person reads the Myron Orfield Star-Tribune quotation [above] and then asks the superintendent to comment on it. Krull first bullshits a nonanswer, but the questioner doesn't duck, and--sharpening focus--then crisply asks Krull to disavow Orfield's characterization [of what sentient participants cannot overlook
is this very audience].
Krull--via an ostensibly 'neutral, non-committal' reply--demurs, boldly
refusing to make nice-nice with the resenters, as she quite easily might do at tiny ideological cost. (She will not distance herself
one inch from a high-status participant who equates this evening's attendees with
George Wallace, in other words.) Several unobtrusive gasps and hisses issue forth.
To sum up,
I support the desegregation proposal, primarily
from a dogmatic philosophical perspective, whether or not it results in any measurable academic benefit. It just seems to me a fairly cheap and worthwhile way of prettifying EP's civic life and advancing the feeling of
civic equality within the community.
Lots of people oppose my position on this matter, and at least
some do so reasonably. This
reasonable subset--among the resenters--isn't easy to measure, but
can't not feel pissed off at some of the rhetoric being beamed out at them, from the morally pure.